December 16: Who will be the next Niazi?

Every year on December 16, the firing of the cannon evokes a strange feeling in me. It seems like the first cry of a newborn, signalling that after 9 months of struggle, I am here. In these tears, there is a search for happiness, which can only be felt, not understood. I don't even have the power to explain. In the 52 years of victory, much has been written about it. I have looked at the matter in a slightly different way. The credit or responsibility for this effort goes to Hamid Mir, a well-known Pakistani journalist. He is also known as a friend of Bangladesh. His father, Waris Mir, received the Friends of Liberation War Award (posthumously) from the current government for his support in our great Liberation War, which Hamid Mir came to Dhaka to receive.

I have known Hamid Mir for almost two decades. First over the telephone and eventually face to face when he was in Dhaka. He was the first journalist in Pakistan who stood with like-minded people holding a banner in front of the Islamabad Press Club and demanded that Pakistan should apologise to the Bangalees and Bangladesh for their brutality in 1971. Mainstream Pakistanis, who had learned since childhood that Pakistan was divided into two pieces because of Bangalees, did not hesitate to label him a traitor. Their words couldn't touch him, and he remained steadfast. On his YouTube channel, he posted a video on December 11, 2023. With detailed evidence, he showed how the military rulers and politicians of West Pakistan planned to break up Pakistan. Which may not be over yet.

Hamid Mir tells of how the rulers of Pakistan (read the mighty armed forces) have saved themselves by putting the responsibility of breaking the country entirely on India to cover up all their misdeeds. Even that country's media with limited freedom did not say anything special about it. Those who are responsible for this have not been brought to justice. But the irony is that history does not leave anyone alone.

Hamid Mir did not say a single word of his own. He cites examples from the written form of statements of Generals closely associated with the regime and at the top of West Pakistani politics, published in various books and magazines. According to him, General (later Field Marshal) Ayub Khan was the principal planner of Pakistan's breakup. He made this plan in 1962 with his like-minded people. Because Gen Ayub was upset with the demands of Bangalees for democracy, autonomy, elections, and people's rights. He thought that if Bangalee-dominated East Pakistan could be cut off, he would be able to live quite happily with the innocent, daft West Pakistanis.

We all know the name of the late Nawab Mansoor Ali Khan Pataudi. He is the youngest captain of the Indian cricket team. He played brilliantly despite losing one eye. He was the husband of actress Sharmila Tagore (Ayesha Khanam).

For Generation Z, he is the father of Saif Ali Khan and Soha Ali Khan. He is Kareena Kapoor's father-in-law, also. But his real identity is Nawab of Pataudi, whose state is near Delhi. Sher Ali Khan Pataudi was the brother of Mansoor Ali Khan's grandfather, Nawab Iftekhar Ali Khan Pataudi. As a Nawab family member, he joined the British Indian Army.

Major General Sher Ali Khan Pataudi became the first Chief of General Staff (CGS) of the Pakistan Army after the partition of India. After retiring, Sher Ali Khan wrote a book. The name is "The Story - Soldiering and Politics in India and Pakistan". In this book, he notes that long before the imposing of military rule in 1958, General Ayub Khan had decided to seize the country's power by taking the army in confidence.

Major General Pataudi told him,"Don't do it."

Ayub replied, "Let me handle the politics. The rest of you stay out of it".

What Ayub said later is what the military rulers of almost all countries say. He wants to teach all the dishonest and corrupt "bloody politicians and civilians".

Major General Pataudi tried to convince Ayub a lot. He writes in the book,"I have always insisted that it is very dangerous to enter the arena of politics in uniform. It will ruin the army. But he [Ayub] did not listen to my words."

And this wasn't the end.

After four years of military rule, General Ayub wanted to become the elected president. Then he thought of introducing a presidential form of democracy instead of parliamentary democracy, which they inherited from the British. Thinking transformed into action. He called Law Minister Justice (Retd) Mohammad Ibrahim. He was a Bangalee. When Ayub expressed his desire to him, Justice Ibrahim dismissedit immediately. He said, "Don't introduce a presidential democratic system. It will break Pakistan."

Going into the discussion without a helmet and getting an unexpected bouncer by the law minister, General Ayub got busted up. But he did not have to be fired. Justice Ibrahim resigned after realising the president's attitude. Then Ayub chose Justice Munir as the new law minister. Justice Munir had an excellent track record. He gave all kinds of legal recognition to the military rules. Then, he started drafting a new constitution following Ayub's unique formula of basic democracy. So, he was embraced by Ayub, and they became close. People like Justice Munir were well-educated even though they were guilty of wrongdoing. Later, he wrote a book named "From Jinnah to Zia: Failure of Law of Necessity".

Munir wrote, "Ayub used to tell me that these Bengalis always complain and nag about deprivation. Find a way to end the relationship with them." Munir met the Bangalee minister Ramizuddin to discuss the matter. Ramizuddin, a native of Daudkandi in Comilla, was the communications minister of Pakistan.

Justice Munir wrote the details of that meeting in the book, "One day, I was talking to Mr. Ramizuddin, who had been a minister in Bengal or East Pakistan. I broached the matter to him. His reply was prompt and straight. He asked me whether I was suggesting secession. I said yes or something like it, a confederation or more autonomy. He said, 'Look here, we are the majority province, and it is for the minority province to decide if they want to secede or not. Because we are Pakistan'."

But this also wasn't the end of the issue. Hamid Mir says Munir's book proves that the two pillars of Pakistan's government - one the President and Army Chief General Ayub Khan, the other the Law Minister Justice Munir - wanted to break Pakistan into two pieces. For this, even a proposal was forwarded to the Bangalees.

British journalist Herbert Feldman wrote a book about Pakistan named "The End and Beginning of Pakistan 1969-1971". An interview with Ayub Khan was published in the book. The interview was initially published in the Telegraph, London, on April 1, 1972. Ayub said,"I had planned to offer independence to East Pakistan, but certain things came in the way, and I could not do it."

General Ayub also sought help from eminent politicians like Khan Abdul Wali Khan to fulfil his desire. Wali Khan was the son of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, known as"Seemanta Gandhi". Wali Khan was arrested several times by Ayub's government on charges of disloyalty to Pakistan. The irony is this mighty military ruler had been at the doorsteps of this same Wali Khan to separate the Bangalees.

It was 1968. Ayub was very afraid of what would happen and when, because the movement of those he wanted to separate was at its height. Its essence was going to the West. As a result, he had ample reason to be upset. Ten years had already passed in power, so Ayub was wise enough to understand that danger was imminent.

He told Wali Khan, "Don't speak against me so much. Or else military rule will come again. Remember, I can't do anything until I separate from East Pakistan. I need a stable Pakistan."

Wali Khan expressed his inability to help him in any way. "Today you are talking about East Pakistan; what's the guarantee that tomorrow you won't talk about the North West Frontier Province."

As a result, Ayub's efforts failed there as well.

We are discussing the subject in detail because the generals of Pakistan have yet to learn any lesson from this stupidity of Ayub. After Ayub, General Yahya came and held the election in 1970. Everyone cheered.

But Arshad Shami Khan has leaked its secrets in his book "Three Presidents and Aid: Life, Power and Politics".

This Pakistan Air Force officer was the ADC of three presidents, Ayub, Yahya and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He has seen many things from very close. Yahya told him, "Mujib will get many seats. Look, what else can be done?"

To prevent the Awami League from gaining power in the 1970 elections, the military government of Pakistan allocated two crore rupees. This money was handed over to the head of the intelligence department of the Pakistan Army unit in Dhaka.

The military intelligence department informed Yahya that the Awami League would not get even 60 percent of the 162 seats. And in West Pakistan, it is doubtful whether Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's party (PPP) will get 40 per cent of the 138 seats. So, no one gets a majority in the National Assembly, no matter how many people cast free and fair votes. So for Yahya, there'll only be endless enjoyment…. No more conflicts with politicians.

But who knew that fate would turn around in such a manner. Yahya or his associates could never even imagine that out of 162 seats, Awami League would get 160 and wreck everything. As a result, not only did Ayub fail to unite his country, but also 93,000 soldiers had to be detained as prisoners of war.

Yet, did Ayub-Yahya's successors learn any lessons? With the actions of the current army chief, General Asim Munir, it doesn't seem that way. He continues to make child's play with politics despite being amidst a troubled economy and a poor law and order situation. Gen Asim Munir is doing the foul with Imran Khan, as his predecessors had done earlier.

In fact, December 16, 1971, did not teach any lesson to the Pakistani military leaders apart from lying and continuing to attack their own people. As a result, if they wish, they can decide who will be the next Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi.

The author is the executive editor, digital media, at Independent Television